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Showing posts with label Raja Nazrin. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Raja Nazrin. Show all posts

April 10, 2008

The need for a "judicial renaissance"

In an address to the Conference of Malaysian Judges held in Putrajaya on 9 April 2008, Raja Nazrin called for a judicial renaissance at this critical time of the nation's history.

He said, "Malaysia needs nothing short of what I would call a judicial renaissance. Without it, one of the three pillars that hold up this nation will remain in a significantly weakened state. Injustices will continue to perpetuate. Efforts at developing social cohesion and nation building will be severely compromised."

He also pointed out that, "The present climate presents us with an excellent opportunity to press on with much needed changes. We should not seek to just recapture past glories but must strive for greater achievements. Before we can start to soar in the skies, however, we must have a firm footing on the ground. Here, I am persuaded by the many voices that have argued that the most basic first step we must take is to ensure that judicial power is once again vested in the judiciary. The judiciary must be restored to the position that it had in the Constitution from the time of Merdeka until twenty years ago. Unless this is done, the doctrine of the separation of powers, which underscores our democracy, will remain effectively muted."

The full text of his speech is reproduced below.


Raja Nazrin: We are now at a critical time in our nation’s history
The Sun - 9 Apr 2008

KUALA LUMPUR: The Regent of Perak Raja Nazrin Shah says Malaysians are now at a critical time in their nation’s history, one where the institutions of state – indeed, the foundations of our democracy – which we have built up since Independence are under scrutiny.

Here is the full text of his speech delivered at the Conference of Malaysian Judges:

Address by Raja Nazrin Shah, Regent of Perak at the Conference of Malaysian Judges
9 APRIL 2008 at the J.W Marriott Hotel, Putrajaya

Assalamualaikum Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh

Salam Sejahtera

Bismillahi Rahmani Rahim

Segala puji milik Allah, Tuhan semesta alam; Tuhan yang Maha Mengetahui lagi Maha Adil lagi Maha Saksama, lalu menyeru supaya para hambaNya melaksanakan keadilan dan sama sekali menjauhi kezaliman. Selawat dan salam ke atas Junjungan Besar, Nabi Muhammad Sallallahu Alaihi Wassalam, ahli keluarga dan para sahabat Baginda, serta para ulama dan para Tabiin; semoga memperoleh ihsan di hari kebangkitan.

Beta bersyukur ke hadrat Ilahi kerana dengan izin dari Nya juga, Beta dapat berangkat untuk menzahirkan titah di Persidangan Hakim-Hakim Malaysia pada pagi ini. Usaha yang dirintis oleh Ketua Hakim Negara menganjurkan Persidangan ini amatlah Beta hargai.

2. We are now at a critical time in our nation’s history, one where the institutions of state – indeed, the foundations of our democracy – which we have built up since Independence, are under scrutiny. The just concluded 12th General Elections has ushered in a host of changes. Among other things, it has introduced a greater degree of contestation in policy-making, legislation and administration than many would previously have thought possible. Some of these changes may be transient. Others could well be permanent. Whatever the case, the new political realities have proven to be and will continue to be challenging. They send a clear message that we cannot continue on a course of ‘business-as-usual’.

3. It goes without saying that recent revelations of improprieties in the judiciary have been extremely damaging, not least by eroding the public’s image of, and confidence in, the system of justice in this country. We must be committed to working through our current problems and to emerge the stronger and better for them. In order to do so, we must be prepared to deal with the facts as they are, and not as we would like them to be. In this respect, it is most encouraging that YAA Dato’ Abdul Hamid has himself set the tone for us in his appointment speech in December last year. In that speech, which has been described as "a breath of fresh air", he openly addressed concerns about the impartiality of judicial decisions, the appointment and promotion of judges, and their commitment to carrying out their work. He wisely pointed out that whether or not these perceptions were founded was immaterial. The mere fact that they exist is enough to do damage and warrant firm action.

4. What makes the current low regard for the judiciary especially regrettable is that it was once greatly admired. Judgments made in our courts used to be quoted across the Commonwealth. Our judges were held in high esteem for their wise and fair rulings. The late Tun Mohamed Suffian’s views about the first thirty years of the Malaysian judiciary are well known and often quoted:

"The reputation that [the Malaysian judiciary] enjoys of being able to decide without interference from the executive or the legislature, or indeed from anybody, contributes to confidence on the part of the members of the public generally, that should they get involved in any dispute with the executive or with each other, they can be sure of a fair and patient hearing and that their disputes will be determined impartially and honestly in accordance with law and justice."

5. Reputations can only be maintained if the high standards adopted are consistently adhered to. This has not always been the case. In the last two decades, judicial independence and integrity have eroded. The result is a lack of confidence in the judicial system and the complete disregard for the law by some quarters. These are dark stains on our honour and reputation and they have the potential to weaken if not destroy the nation.

6. Malaysia needs nothing short of what I would call a judicial renaissance. Without it, one of the three pillars that hold up this nation will remain in a significantly weakened state. Injustices will continue to perpetuate. Efforts at developing social cohesion and nation building will be severely compromised. A judicial renaissance is also necessary because it is one of the most important requirements for continued economic, scientific and technological progress.

7. What are the hallmarks of a judicial renaissance? I can do no better than to refer to my father, His Royal Highness Sultan Azlan Shah, whose views on the rule of law, the supremacy of the Federal Constitution, the independence of the judiciary, and the separation of powers are well known. His Royal Highness has written extensively on these subjects and he continues to do so with conviction and passion.

8. At its nucleus is respect for the rule of law, which is a universal ideal. One of my favourite quotes puts this in proper perspective:

"(The) right to be governed by laws and not by arbitrary officials is the most precious right of democracy—the right to reasonable, definite and proclaimed standards, which we as citizens can invoke against both malevolence and caprice."

This quote was taken not from an English or American judge. It was not said in a context that is alien to us. It was made in 1984 by Sultan Azlan Shah, former Lord President of the Federal Court, and to an audience made up primarily of Malaysians. The citizens that His Royal Highness was referring to are Malaysians of all creeds and colours.

9. It is worth repeating that the Federal Constitution is the highest law of the land. It is not only the law to which everyone is subject but also the authority from which power comes. Every judge, Member of Parliament, Cabinet minister, Prime Minister and, indeed, the Yang Di-Pertuan Agong himself, has taken a solemn oath to defend the Constitution. They are not supposed to serve the interests of a particular community alone. They are supposed to uphold the Constitution in its totality. The Constitution was specially crafted to cater to the pluralistic character of this country. This is not to say that it is a perfect document. It is not. It was forged out of the necessities of the time. Many of these, however, are still relevant today and Malaysians would do well to bear this in mind whenever they amend or interpret the Constitution.

10. Each time an administrative decision is taken that runs contrary to its provisions, the Constitution is in danger of being deemed irrelevant. This is why it is absolutely critical for judges to be sensitive to the spirit that underlies the Constitution. It bestows and protects the rights of all citizens and provides a basis for peace and harmony among them. Without it, we are in danger of heading down the path of sectarianism and victimisation. The courts must therefore be thoroughly objective and uncompromising on constitutional questions. In doing so, they are not only upholding justice but also strengthening the process of nation building and the integrity of the state.

11. Let me now turn to the second reason why we need a judicial renaissance. There is demand everywhere today for good governance. Unpacked, this means that the three pillars of government must not only be efficient but also highly responsive and accountable. Society and needs have become ever more complex. Citizens have become more educated. Borders are now more porous. Human capital and financial capital are mobile as never before. If good governance is not forthcoming in one country, then the best and brightest, and investment, will move to where it is forthcoming. The old model of large and rigid bureaucracies handing out government largesse has also become outdated. And governments can no longer just offer their citizens material wealth. The intangible benefits of development, including an absence of corruption, abuse and repression, and the protection and enlargement of individual rights and freedoms, are now equally important goods that citizens demand and which governments must deliver.

12. It would be wrong to think for one moment that Malaysians can achieve great things without a properly functioning judiciary. The most politically stable and economically successful countries are ones where the law matters a great deal and where the judiciary is highly respected. We must not be fooled into believing that to be monetarily rich, only practical expediency matters and that judicial integrity and independence do not. I say ‘monetarily rich’ and not ‘developed’ because there is a very big difference between the two. I do not believe it is possible to be developed without a highly respected judiciary.

Honourable judges:

13. The present climate presents us with an excellent opportunity to press on with much needed changes. We should not seek to just recapture past glories but must strive for greater achievements. Before we can start to soar in the skies, however, we must have a firm footing on the ground. Here, I am persuaded by the many voices that have argued that the most basic first step we must take is to ensure that judicial power is once again vested in the judiciary. The judiciary must be restored to the position that it had in the Constitution from the time of Merdeka until twenty years ago. Unless this is done, the doctrine of the separation of powers, which underscores our democracy, will remain effectively muted.

14. Until judicial power is reinvested in the judiciary – in much the same way that executive power is invested in the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and the Cabinet , and legislative power in Parliament – it will be difficult to convince anyone, not our citizens and not the world community, that we are a nation governed by the rule of law. Judicial review of administrative practices is an essential aspect of being a nation of laws. With the positive mindsets now in place, I am sure that the executive and legislature will continue to view the judiciary in a proper and balanced perspective. The judiciary, filled with men and women of great insight into the law will, I am confident, exercise its oversight to ensure that the exercise of power is not exceeded, that correct processes are adhered to and that outcomes are just.

15. The courts have unfettered powers to interpret the Constitution, to construe laws, and to declare any law or administrative action that is inconsistent with the Constitution to be void. We seem to have forgotten that the judiciary can be a powerful and constructive force in nation building. For laws, once enacted, are sterile unless they are properly interpreted. The courts have the responsibility for ensuring precisely this. Preserving and protecting the Constitution require judicial courage. Judges need to display the necessary courage when interpreting our supreme law, the Constitution.

16. Second, an important feature of a judicial renaissance is that only men and women of the highest integrity and intellect are elevated. The appointment of Tan Sri Malek as President of the Court of Appeal in 2004 was a step in the right direction and, as observed by the President of the Malaysian Bar Council, Ms Ambiga Sreenevasan, a "much needed shot in the arm for the judiciary". The many tributes bestowed at his untimely passing are proof of the high regard in which he was held. I know there are many men and women of integrity and intellect present here this morning who have dedicated their lives in upholding the sanctity of the law and in dispensing justice without fear or favour. Some of you have gone through difficult times. You have discharged your duties with great dignity and pride. For this I join the many others in saluting you for your dedication and commitment. You have done this nation proud. Your continued contribution and service gives great hope and impetus for the future of the judiciary.

17. Third, it may also be an opportune time to review the way judicial appointments and promotions are made. The many calls for a more transparent mechanism, one that is in line with other developed countries, should be given serious attention. There is merit in the suggestion for the establishment of a Judicial Commission that will make recommendations to the Prime Minister who, in turn, consults the Conference of Rulers. On the latter point, I am happy to note that in recent years, there has been a greater willingness on the part of the Prime Minister to consult the Conference of Rulers in a meaningful way. This is very much in keeping with the spirit of the Constitution and, I believe, leads to the building up of further confidence in the judiciary.

18. Fourth, it may also be the right time for the Federal Court to take a less restrictive approach in reviewing judicial decisions that manifestly involved miscarriage of justice. There is no denying that some decisions of the apex court in recent years have caused great concern to the legal profession, businesses and the public at large. We should not allow these decisions to remain in our annals. I am aware that the principle of finality of decisions is vital in any judicial system. Litigants are entitled to arrange their affairs in the sure knowledge that there is an end to their litigation upon decision of the final appellate court. But justice must be the overriding objective. The attainment of justice and the rectification of gross injustice is the raison d’etre of any civilised legal and judicial system. I am confident that in a judicial renaissance the proper balance between finality and justice will be maintained by His Majesty’s judges.

19. Fifth, it may also be the time to introduce mechanisms so as to facilitate the acquisition of knowledge by judges to meet the growing global challenges in specialised and new areas of the law such as Internet and Information Technology, Maritime and Arbitration, and in the more traditional subjects like Constitutional Law and Human Rights. The importance of continuing legal and judicial training cannot be over-emphasised.

20. Sixth the establishment of a commercial court with specially trained judges may be an area worth considering. As an example of how seriously this matters in today’s world, consider the case of Dubai. The civil and commercial court at the Dubai International Financial Centre has been in operation since 2004. Early this year, six new appointments of illustrious international judges were made to give it further standing and credibility. Sir Anthony Evans was selected to be the Chief Justice, alongside five others. Among them was Malaysia’s own Tan Sri Siti Norma. In addition to being the only Southeast Asian, she is also the first female judge in the United Arab Emirates. She is another clear example of Malaysia’s ability to produce judges of world-class ability and reputation.

21. Similarly, this year, the government of Qatar appointed Lord Woolf, former Chief Justice of England and Wales, as President of its Financial Centre’s civil and commercial court. At the same time, it selected another eminent Briton, William Blair QC, as Chairman of the Regulatory Tribunal. It further appointed eight other distinguished international jurists and lawyers to serve in both these institutions. Qatar’s rationale was simple: International financial and commercial organizations must be satisfied that the financial centre upholds the rule of law.

Honourable judges:

22. Jurists like yourselves are the real soul of any legal system. You are its true substance and the rest are mere decoration. We should never mistake form for substance. Some of the most tyrannical regimes have complex laws, batteries of judges and lawyers and palaces of justice, complete with grand regalia and ceremonies. These are all mere symbols meant to give a thin veneer of legitimacy to illegitimate and unjust practices. They say absolutely nothing about the substance and quality of the justice that is meted out. Laws can be made that institutionalise prejudice and biasness. Courts can make decisions that violate the very principle of natural justice.

23. Of course any problem can be ‘solved’ in the abstract. While we relentlessly pursue the ideal of justice, we must inoculate ourselves with heavy doses of realism. We must be aware that efforts to compromise legal principles and undermine judicial independence and authority are virtually universal. There is a perpetual contest between the political executive and the courts everywhere. There is constantly a threat of business interests tipping the scales of justice in their favour. Our efforts cannot therefore be partial and half-hearted. They cannot last mere months or even a handful of years. No matter how great the legal institutions we build, once we stop maintaining them, the surrounding jungle of abuse will start to reclaim them.

24. The rule of law, the independence of the judiciary, and the separation of powers are features of our judicial system that we must constantly and tirelessly struggle to uphold. Even in England, the birthplace of the law that Commonwealth countries practice, measures are still being undertaken after more than nine hundred years to improve the autonomy, competence and transparency of the judiciary. We cannot be faulted for not having a perfect legal system for no country can make that claim. We can, however, be faulted for want of trying. The judicial renaissance that is emerging must therefore not be allowed to roll back. We must constantly fuel the engines of this renaissance.

25. Change is never easy. Resistance must always be assumed. The inertia of the status quo is very strong and this is especially true when the situation is serious and the changes required are huge. There will be the ever-present temptation to undertake just incremental and cosmetic modifications. We need to recognise that these are not sufficient for the judicial revitalisation and renewal that this country needs and deserves.

26. I mentioned at the outset that as recent events continue to unfold, the degree of political contestation in this country will increase. Some will be for the better and some, where it leads to conflict, will be for the worse. Whatever the case, this is the system that we chose for ourselves five decades ago and which has proven and performed with distinction in the past. In the current environment, the opinion and decisions of men and women of reason, wisdom and balance in all spheres of life will be in even greater demand than before. This is especially true of the courts of law.

27. If the judiciary is filled with the highest calibre of men and women that this nation has to offer, not only in terms of ability but also values, there is nothing to fear. We must never fear truth, knowledge and wisdom. We should always fear their opposites. I therefore urge you to press on. May the judicial renaissance grow and flourish under your careful hands and watchful eyes.

28. Semoga Persidangan ini dapat berlangsung dalam suasana berterus-terang berlandaskan semangat mahu membina imej dan perkhidmatan kehakiman yang berintegriti tinggi, agar para hakim dan mahkamah di Negara ini mendapat kepercayaan rakyat jelata serta dihormati diperingkat antarabangsa.

Wabillahi taufik walhidayah

Wassalamualaikum Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh.

August 9, 2007

Inspiring Speeches of Raja Nazrin

In the previous posts, I have highlighted excerpts from the inspiring speeches of Raja Nazrin which he had made recently. To make it easier for those who wants to read and download the full text of the speeches, they are listed below together with the locations where they can be found online.

3 April 2007
Keynote address at the Young Malaysians' Roundtable Discussion on National Unity and Development in Malaysia: Challenges and Prospects for Nation Building
(http://www.sun2surf.com/article.cfm?id=17519)

31 July 2007
Inaugural lecture to commemorate the legacy of Professor Syed Hussein Alatas titled "Towards a decent social order for all Malaysians"
(http://www.sun2surf.com/article.cfm?id=18807)

3 Aug 2007
Speech made at the launch of a book on former Deputy Prime Minister Tun Dr Ismail Abdul Rahman titled "Not because of position: Tun Dr Ismail and his time"
(http://www.sun2surf.com/article.cfm?id=18836)

5 Aug 2007
Keynote address at the first annual Student Leaders Summit 2007 - "Celebrating 50 Years of Nationhood"
(http://www.sun2surf.com/article.cfm?id=18846)

Challenges and prospects for nation-building

(excerpts from the keynote address by the Raja Muda of Perak, Raja Dr Nazrin Shah, at the first annual Student Leaders Summit 2007 on 5 Aug 2007)

...
When the New Economic Policy (NEP) was established, it was to address the problem of economic function being identified along the lines of ethnicity, and the problem of widespread poverty. All quarters of society came to an agreement that in order for nation-building to proceed, certain sacrifices had to be made to help the underperforming groups. But it was not a case where one party was to benefit at another's expense. Distribution was to take place within the context of a growing economy. It was meant to be a situation of give-and-take that would result in economic growth shared by all segments of society.

Today, the give-and-take attitude seems to have dissipated. Malaysians are exhibiting signs of polarisation along ethnic and religious lines. Some groups bear grudges against what is perceived as preferential treatment. Others regard preferential treatment as an indisputable entitlement.
...

As I have said elsewhere, to ensure sustained success at nation-building, Malaysians of all races,religions, and geographic locations need to believe beyond a shadow of a doubt that they have a place under the Malaysian sun. Only when each citizen believes that he or she has a common home, is presented common opportunities, given due recognition and is working towards a common destiny, will he or she make the sacrifices needed for the long haul.

Managing change is not easy and nation-building does not occur naturally in any society, let alone a pluralistic one. Allow me to suggest three essentials for effective and sustained nation-building.

The first is the Rule of Law and the inviolability of the constitution. The constitution is the supreme law of the country which guarantees fundamental liberties to every citizen. A cleverly crafted document, it clearly provides for adequate checks and balances against excesses through the separation of powers between the executive, legislative and judicial branches -- with each protected from encroachment by the other.
...

The second element necessary in nation-building is economic and social justice for all. All groups in society, regardless of ethnic group, religion or gender, must participate in making decisions that affect their lives and livelihood. They must have a voice and a place in all sectors. They must carry equal responsibilities in making society work. The people we work and play with, the friendships we make, must never be constrained by ethnicity. Preconceptions, parochialism and chauvinism can be eradicated if we interact actively with others of a different ethnic group or religion -- even if it is just one teacher, one man or one schoolmate. In many areas, this is absent and it must change.

The third requisite to nation-building is good governance and a thriving civil society. Institutions of governance must demonstrate and generate norms and behaviour that are fundamentally efficient, productive and just. Only those who are capable, responsible and scrupulously honest should be allowed to serve in positions of leadership. Those who are inefficient, incompetent and, most importantly, corrupt should be held in absolute contempt. There must also be concrete anticorruption measures and management practices based on efficiency, transparency and accountability. It is also very important that we have leaders who are earnest in maintaining unity, never resorting to religious or ethnic posturing to further their political careers at the expense of peace and security. Should they fail in this respect, they must be held accountable and answerable before the law.

Note: highlighting was added and not from original text of the speech

(The full text is available at: Challenges and prospects for nation-building: A lesson for the young and bright, 5 Aug 2007, www.sun2surf.com)

August 7, 2007

Do not betray citizens' loyalty

(Translated excerpts from the speech by Raja Nazrin at the launch of a book on former Deputy Prime Minister Tun Dr Ismail Abdul Rahman titled "Not because of position: Tun Dr Ismail and his time" in Universiti Malaya on 3 Aug 2007)

As I read about Tun Dr. Ismail, I realise more and more what an extraordinary person he was; a statesman, an inspirational leader and a visionary. Tun Dr. Ismail envisaged a Malaysia for all without color lines, without ethnic borders and without any one group feeling a sense of inferiority. He recognised the importance of open mindedness in addressing day to day issues and problems; the importance of listening and learning from others particularly from those who are more advanced....

This first wave of leaders displayed very strong integrity which is hard to dispute. They displayed faithfulness to their struggle, high principles and loyalty to their race and nation. These first-wave leaders were the elites of their race then, most were from aristocratic lineage or upper middle-class, but their hearts and souls were always with the ordinary citizen - understanding the suffering and experiences of the farmers and ordinary labourers. They took up the responsibility of speaking up for, and worked towards improving the fate of the lower classes and of all citizens. That was the spirit that enabled this country to become politically stable and economically prosperous.

After 50 years of independence, this spirit of helping the majority of the rakyat should not be something far away from the hearts of those with positions and power. The poor and the lower classes still need to be and should continue to be helped. The citizens' loyalty to their leaders must not be defiled by the actions of leaders, who stray from the path of truth, because they are driven by greed to obtain wealth for themselves and their families. Leaders are like trees and the rakyat are like the roots, which will determine the health and height of the tree. Learn from and make an example of the leadership qualities exhibited by Tun Dr Ismail and the first wave of post-Merdeka leaders, such as their genuineness, sacrifices, sincerity and integrity.

Note: highlighting was added and not from original text of the speech

(Full text of the speech mainly in Bahasa Malaysia is available at: Don’t take citizens’ loyalty for granted, Raja Nazrin to leaders, 03 Aug 2007, www.sun2surf.com)

(Translation of excerpts into English available at: Revive principles of Ismail's struggle, 6 Aug 2007, www.sun2surf.com)

August 6, 2007

What Is A Decent Social Order?

(Excerpts from the inaugural lecture by Raja Nazrin on July 31 2007 to commemorate the legacy of Professor Syed Hussein Alatas)

A decent social order would be one where the social factors mentioned above produce social norms and behaviour that are fundamentally efficient, productive and just. Not only that, I would add that the idea of decency implies standards that are more than minimally adequate but which correspond to the highest international levels. What does all this mean in concrete terms? What characteristics or traits would a decent social order in Malaysia have? Let me quickly summarise five of them.

First, if Malaysia is to have a decent social order, it cannot be characterised by social fragmentation and polarisation. The social order must be one that leads to cohesion within and among communites. There must be horizontal equity whereby all Malaysians in equal circumstances are treated in exactly the same way.

Second, the social norms that a decent social order produce would lead Malaysians of all races and religions to engage one another with absoulte civility and respect. Coercion and overt and covert threats of violence as a means of attaining political, economic and social ends would never be sanctioned. The only legitimate way to take into account differences and resolve problems is through dialogue and negotiations.

Third, Malaysians would feel a deep-seated sense of ownership over the problems of the country. They would be motivated to take decisive action and to make whatever sacrifices that are necessary for the good of the country. There would not be the high degree of indifference and apathy that there is at present. There would not be the tendency to escape from the challenges confronting the country or to apportion blame.

Fourth, only Malaysians who are capable, hard working, bold and scrupulously honest would be allowed to serve in positions of responsibility. Those who are inefficient, incompetent and most importantly, corrupt would be held in absolute and utter contempt by society. In this regard, the fight against corruption would be the first priortiy in the Malaysian development agenda. It would be recognised that corruption ensures that no decent social order is possible. Actions to ensure a corruption-free society would be unrelenting.

Fifth, the public would have a high degree of trust in the pillars of state, the executive, judiciary and legislature, as well as the civil service and police. Those appointed to these institutions would be the best the country has to offer. They would never allow respect for their office to be compromised in anyway, preferring to resign rather than let it fall into disrepute. At all times, the rule of law would prevail.

In short, a decent Malaysian social order would be one that is based on inclusiveness and accommodation as opposed to marginalisation and discrmination.


Note: highlighting was added and not from original text of the speech

(more excerpts of the speech available at: Towards a decent social order for all Malaysians )

August 5, 2007

On Corruption

(Excerpts from the inaugural lecture by Raja Nazrin on July 31 2007 to commemorate the legacy of Professor Syed Hussein Alatas)

Corruption is mankind's most deadly social disease. It is a disease than can undermine good governance, weaken institutional foundations, distort public policy, compromise the rule of law and constrain the economy. If not nipped in the bud, it is like a cancer whose deadly cells multiply rapidly and pervade the body politic. Once corruption becomes widespread, there is the danger that corrupt acts will no longer seem immoral and unlawful - just businessas usual. In Syed Hussein's terminology, it can even become 'an industry' in itself.

A society where corruption is rife is one where the actions of an unprincipled minority have detrimental consequences on the welfare of the majority. The interests of a minority override the interests of the majority. It curbs competitiveness to the detriment of economic and social development. It leads to tremendous misallocation of resources. The cost of doing business becomes unacceptably high. Investors shy away. Incomes fall. Jobs are lost, People suffer.

  • The starting point is with the nation's leaders. Figures in authority must be chosen for their integrity first and qualifications second. They must take personal ownership in bringing out a decent social order, and they must be held accountable if they do not achieve it. Those with a chequered past or clear evidence of questionable morality shouldbe prevented from taking office. There should be zero tolerance for corrupt practices.

  • There must also be concrete anti-corruption measures and management practices based on efficiency, transparencyand accountability. This is the second leg. Unnecessary and complex regulations and licensing requirements should be pared back or else simplified in order to discourage under the table deals. The award of contracts should be fairly and transparently administered. Oversight agencies and appeal processes should be in place to ensure that discretionary power is not abused. It goes without saying that an anti-corruption system must be functioning and effective.

  • The third leg of good governance is the mobilisation of public opinion. Syed Hussein placed great store on the power of public outrage. He believed that if you awakened society's consciousness to the ills of corruption and gave cases of corruption widespread pubilicty, it would generate such an adverse reaction the the government would be forced to take action. Complaints and protests may be irksome, but they should be treated as welcome and constructive feedback.

Note: Fomatting has been modified for better readability on the web.

(text of the speech available at: Towards a decent social order for all Malaysians)

August 4, 2007

Of Fools and Bebalisma

(Excerpts from the inaugural lecture by Raja Nazrin on July 31 2007 to commemorate the legacy of Professor Syed Hussein Alatas)

The one group Alatas turned to was intellectuals, which he believed would serve as an antidote to two widespread 'poisons' in developing countries.

The first of these poisons were those he called 'fools' - persons who were educated but yet unable to provide any creative solutions to the problems of the day or to demonstrate high standards of behaviour and performance. According to him, developing countries lag behind others when a large number of fools determine the interest of the nation. They usually just follow the line of least resistance.

The second poison was 'bebalisma' - a general attitude of ignorance, indifference and indolence (or dislike of work). It makes society non-anticipatory, non-thinking, non-rational and non-contextual. No priority is given to the things that really matter and no embarrassment is felt for mistake and shortcomings.

The concept of the fool and bebalisma struck a chord with the Malaysian public. Who, after all, does not have a favourite personal story of clownish bureaucracy or of bebalism? The stakes, however, are much higher. "To lack intellectuals," Alatas said, "is to lack leadership". "Our national problem', he said, "should be tackled with intellectual justice, not with exploitative ignorance" intellectuals possess the ability to pose, define and analyse problems and propose solutions.

(text of the speech available at: Towards a decent social order for all Malaysians)


Note on bebalisma

To Syed Hussein, bebalisma meant not just stupidity, but implied narrow-mindedness, mindlessness and stubbornness. It is not stupidity of the natural kind, but wilful stupidity that is cultivated, rewarded and socially reproduced.

It is the bebalisma of those who reach positions of leadership in developing societies, due to anything but intellect, wisdom, ability and character.

This, to Syed Hussein, represented the tragedy of the distorted social and economic development of Southeast Asia and the developing world.

(from article by Zainah Anwar)

On Nation-Building

(Excerpts from the keynote address by Raja Nazrin at the Young Malaysians' Roundtable Discussion on National Unity and Development in Malaysia held on 3 April 2007, where he outlined the following seven guidelines for nation-building)

First, Malaysians of all races, religions, and geographic locations need to believe beyond a shadow of a doubt that they have a place under the Malaysian sun. Only when each citizen believes that he or she has a common home and is working towards a common destiny, will he or she make the sacrifices needed for the long haul. In Malaysia, the Federal Constitution, the Rukun Negara and Vision 2020 encapsulate the rights, hopes and aspirations of the population in a way that no other documents do. The integrity of these documents must be defended and promoted, especially the first.

Second, when we seek solutions to problems in nation-building, we must be careful not to assume away problems. Nation-building is required precisely because there are stark differences within society. If we all walked, talked and thought the same, it would probably not be needed. There will therefore be chauvinistic groups in this country, just as there are in others. They will fight the idea of national unity, block social change and try to be politically dominant. The existence of these groups, however, does not mean that nation-building is a futile exercise. It does mean that we must be prepared to negotiate our way through and around these differences. We can, for example, create social movements that aim to enlighten and dissuade popular support being given to them.

Third, nation-building requires accommodation and compromise. In our haste to be prescriptive, we should not be so idealistic that we are incapable of also being practical. We should not allow perfection to be the enemy of the good. Yes, we should seek the best solutions and expect the highest standards of performance. But we should also be prepared to sacrifice some part of our positions for the good of the whole. The virtues of pure self-interest are largely a myth. What seems to be a reality is that individuals end up worse off when they act out of self-interest, as opposed to acting in their collective group interests.

Fourth, if nation-building is to be successful, enforced solutions must be avoided. Nation-building is effectively rendered null and void by coercion or the threat of violence. Might cannot, and must not, be shown to be right. If solutions cannot be found within the political and social structures, there will be a strong temptation to resort to illegitimate ways and means.

Fifth, nation-building occurs when society is open, tolerant and forward-looking. So important are these values that they are embedded in Vision 2020's nine strategic challenges, as are those of mature democracy, caring society and innovation. Only by being inclusive and participative can the various sectors of our society be productively engaged.It follows that all forms of extremism, chauvinism, racism and isolationism must be guarded against. They must be soundly sanctioned socially, politically and, if necessary, also legally.

Sixth, nation-building is a process rather than an outcome. When Malaysia started off 50 years ago, there were no examples to study. There were no manuals to follow. Mistakes were made and, to a greater or lesser extent, lessons have been learned.

While a sense of impatience is perhaps fully understandable, nation-building takes place over a period of time and only with persistence. Where there is no trust, trust has to be built. Where there is no cooperative network, one has to be established. Building on layers of foundation is the only way to ensure that the process is solid and sustainable.

Seventh, the political, social and economic incentives must reward good behaviour and penalise bad. I know that this statement is virtually self-evident, but it is a fact that many countries are as likely to punish good behaviour as to reward it. After all, if there are benefits for corruption, then there is a real cost to being honest. The incentives for building up a nation must be greater and more compelling than breaking it down. The price of racial and cultural intolerance must be made prohibitively high.


(full text of the speech is available at: Raja Nazrin: Be colour-blind)

8 March 2008

A New And Better Malaysia

Has Emerged